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01/13/03
While the mass people continue to protest the
government’s policy to reduce its subsidies on, which
means higher prices of, vital goods, the government
continues to defend its policy. On Sunday, Jan 12,
2002,
President Megawati Soekarnoputri defended her
government's decision to raise fuel and utility prices
in the country.
"This is the best choice. There is no other choice. I
chose this unpopular decision but I am sure that in
the long run, this decision can improve the state of
the nation," she said at a rally of thousands of
flag-waving supporters of her party as reported by
Associated Press.
Surprisingly, this is the first time, as far as we
know, that Mrs. Megawati used a term of “long run” in
connection with economic policy. But does she really
mean it? Or to be more precise, does she really know
what she meant about “the long run”?
I am not going to focus on Mrs. Megawati as I have often
argued that while Megawati is the president, her
capability to comprehend economic policy and national
development strategy is rather limited. Instead, these
two crucial issues should be handled and clearly
communicated by the right agent which in my view is
the coordinating ministry of economic and finance, Mr.
Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti.
But let’s assume for the moment that it is Mrs. Megawati
that wants, due to the pressure from the public, to convey
the message or to defend its government’s policy
publicly. Obviously, her statements have been already
well prepared and crafted by her aides, including her
top economic aides in the Cabinet. Therefore, it is
not wrong to assume that, one way or another, Mrs. Megawati’s statements are the same as those of her
top’s economic aides.
The government is not an agent which never makes
mistakes. In fact, as it has been the case, the
governments in many countries often implemented wrong
policies in the past. Given this fact, it is rational
and completely reasonable to analyze the recent
government’s policy objectively. Before presenting the
right policies that the Indonesian government should
undertake, it is important to highlight the Mrs. Megawati’s
statements here and directly question them and provide
brief alternatives to her statements.
First, “This is the best choice”. What Mrs. Megawati means
is that the government’s policy to reduce its
subsidies on vital goods is the best choice. But
choices on policies depend upon the objective. The
government’s objective here is to reduce its deficit
which implies two alternatives: Either to reduce its
spending or to increase its revenues. Fortunately,
there is another alternative that is to be more
discipline in spending and more aggressive in
acquiring its revenues. We propose the alternative
here:
Tax and Expenditure Reforms, Instead of Subsidy
Reduction.
Sometimes the government’s officials, such as Mr.
Djatun, argued that the objective of the policy is to
stimulate the economy and thus promote a higher
economic growth. Perhaps, the logic is that
redistribution - taking away some money from the
middle and upper class people (reducing the subsidies)
and redistributing the money to other people (the
poor) will promote growth. But how the government will
redistribute the money is unclear yet. One thing is
clear that the redistribution will not be in the form
of a lump-sum transfer. Instead, it will be in the
form of government’s projects to help the poor and
etc.
Already
Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare Jusuf Kalla,
in a very general term, said that the Ministry of
Finance was ready to disburse a total of Rp 4.43
trillion (around US$497 million) to finance the
government's programs targeting the poor.
Mr. Kalla said that this year the government would expand
the coverage of the programs, from the distribution of
cheap rice to the provision of funds for the
development of small businesses. The programs would be
administered by 12 state institutions. The
Development Finance Comptroller (BPKP) would audit the
use of the funds twice a year.
This suggests that the more money in the hands of the
government, the more of it will be corrupted by the
corrupt bureaucrats and the top government’s
officials. A BPKP report in September last year was
laughable as it reported that the
impropriety rate of similar programs was less than 1
percent of the total Rp 2.85 trillion in compensation
funds during the first semester (or amount to 22
billion rupiah). The audit result of the second
semester would be revealed in March. Last year, the
government disbursed money, drawn from the reduced
fuel subsidies, in April through June. If that is
true,
Indonesia
would be a free-corruption country where in fact the
country is one of the most corrupt ones on the planet.
By just imagining that 12 state institutions will
administer the government’s programs, the impropriety
rate would likely be at least 12% as each institution
would impropriate at least 1% of the funds.
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In the 2002 government budget, the total subsidy
for oil and gas was around 30 trillion rupiah, while the
total payments for the interest of debts were 60
trillion rupiah. If this policy is able to provide the
government with an extra cash of X billions rupiah
from the public, given the “losing rate of the
government’s fund is about 20-30%, only about 0.7X to
0.8X billion rupiah that will go back to the public.
The growth effect of this redistribution will be
questionable. |
Indonesian Government Budget: Routine
Expenditures, 2002 |
|
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In addition, there are two other major issues. First,
since the development expenditures (26,5 trillion
rupiah) is less than the total expenditures on
subsidy, the allocations of these “extra cash” will be
very important. To which sectors will the money be
channeled? Are they channeled more on productive or
consumptive purposes? Secondly, how will the
government ensure an
impropriety
rate of less than 1%? So far, the government has not
been able to produce a clear and honest mechanism to
ensure such low rate except rhetoric and unverifiable
reports from the government’s agent.
The second statement from President Megawati was “I
chose this unpopular decision but I am sure that in
the long run, this decision can improve the state of
the nation.” Suddenly, the government found a new
jargon in their vocabulary, something that the nation
actually has been waiting for years. It is this third
statement that opens a more interesting debate which
is the subject of the next section.
Table
Government expenditures in 2002 (billion rupiah)
|
|
% Total Belanja |
% Total |
Realisasi sampai 15 Juli 2002 |
% Total Realisasi |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
BELANJA NEGARA |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
BELANJA PEMERINTAH PUSAT |
246040 |
23.20 |
99446 |
9.38 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
PENGELUARAN RUTIN |
193740 |
18.27 |
89026 |
8.39 |
|
a. Belanja Pegawai |
41297 |
3.89 |
22522 |
2.12 |
|
b. Belanja Barang |
12863 |
1.21 |
4465 |
0.42 |
|
c. Pembayaran Bunga Hutang |
88499 |
8.34 |
47659 |
4.49 |
|
i. Hutang Dalam negeri |
59524 |
5.61 |
33443 |
3.15 |
|
ii. Hutang Luar Negeri |
28975 |
2.73 |
14216 |
1.34 |
|
d. Subsidi |
41586 |
3.92 |
13177 |
1.24 |
|
i. Subsidi BBM |
30377 |
2.86 |
12379 |
1.17 |
|
ii. Subsidi non-BBM |
11209 |
1.06 |
798 |
0.08 |
|
e. Pengeluaran Rutin Lainnya |
9493 |
0.89 |
1202 |
0.11 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
PENGELUARAN PEMBANGUNAN |
52299 |
4.93 |
10149 |
0.96 |
|
a. Pembiayaan pembangunan |
26469 |
2.50 |
5272 |
0.50 |
|
b. Pembiayaan Proyek |
25830 |
2.44 |
5147 |
0.49 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
DANA PERIMBANGAN |
94531 |
8.91 |
47867 |
4.51 |
|
1. Dana Bagi Hasil |
24600 |
2.32 |
7520 |
0.71 |
|
2. Dana Alokasi Umum |
69114 |
6.52 |
40347 |
3.80 |
|
3. Dana Alokasi Khusus |
817 |
0.08 |
|
0.00 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
DANA OTONOMI KHUSUS |
3437 |
0.32 |
1817 |
0.17 |
|
DAN PENYEIMBANG |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
TOTAL |
1060700 |
100.00 |
456452 |
43.03 |
Source: Ministry of Finance
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