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On
the demand for a greater decentralization
Elwin
Tobing
A slightly modification of my article appeared in the Jakarta Post
Dec, 1999
BOSTON:
The current widespread demand for greater decentralization
emerged primarily from the dismal performance of the highly
centralized development policy under the New Order regime. The
regime not only failed to improve the social and economic
conditions of the nation but also alienated the people and
local and regional authorities from the decision- making
process of vital policies.
Defined broadly as a transfer of authority from a higher to
lower level of government for the management of public
functions, decentralization is considered an effective
strategy to resolve our national problems in improving
planning and implementing national development programs at the
local level. This argument is based at least on two reasons.
The
first and more important is that decentralization will enhance
the people's participation in the development process. Through
the people's participation, the practice of democratic
principles at the grassroots level can be fostered and
national unity can be promoted.
Greater
participation of the people and local governments will also
reduce potential sources of conflict. Certainly, the people
who are directly affected by a decision will not always make
the right choice. If they make a mistake, they will suffer the
consequences and this will give them the awareness to make
wiser choices in the future. However, if someone else made
that decision for them, they would have every reason to direct
their anger at the responsible institution. The separatist
movements in Aceh and Irian Jaya can be viewed as expressions
of anger at the central government in Jakarta.
The
other reason is based on the principle of optimal-level
decisions. Jan Tinbergen (1981), a Noble prize winner in
economics for having developed and applied dynamic models for
the analysis of economic policies, identified two properties
of an optimal level decision. First, it is the lowest possible
level that a maximum of participation and information is used.
Second, it is high enough to entail negligible effects on the
welfare of individuals living outside the area for which the
central planners are responsible.
This
is very important since central planners often do not care
about the consequences of the decisions they make on local and
regional development policies. A classic illustration is the
World War I Gallipoli campaign of 1915 to 1916. As portrayed
in the film Gallipoli, a general in a bunker deep behind the
front lines used his telephone to order wave after wave of
young men to storm a heavily defended trench, ignoring the
local commander's advice that the effort is futile. As a
result of the general's order, all the men died.
Experience
shows, however, that many decentralization programs,
especially in developing countries, do not live up to initial
expectations. In several African, Asian and Latin American
countries, decentralization programs paradoxically boosted
centralization.
By
examining the effects of local government reforms in six
countries, including Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia, Nooi
(1987) concluded that decentralization programs not only
failed to enhance local autonomy, they enhanced the
centralization of power. Experience from countries such as
Tanzania and Kenya also suggests that the people's
participation as a means of decentralization did not
materialize; instead the control over development policies
remained highly centralized.
The
story from Latin American countries reveals the same results.
Mawhood (1993) noted that economic failings in the region were
a result of centralized development policies neatly veiled
beneath the avowed decentralization policy statements of
governments.
The
failure of decentralization in many countries to enhance the
people's participation has eroded the euphoria about its
virtue as an effective strategy to improve national
development programs. There were suggestions of returning to
centralization, especially with the economic success stories
of the "Asian Tigers". The Tigers -- Hong Kong,
Singapore, South Korea and Taiwan -- have proven that economic
power and a higher standard of living can be attained not
through the decentralization of power but also the
concentration of power in the hands of the central government.
Yet,
the demand for decentralization is never diminished. The
criticism expressed at the failure of decentralization was
primarily a result of the lack of increased participation by
the people. Another explanation is that power was
decentralized to the wrong people, either central government
appointees or the local elite. It is also believed proposed
reforms have not been implemented as intended and there has
not been a significant decentralization of power and
authority.
The
lessons for us are clear. Decentralization should not be seen
as a general solution or a quick fix for all of our current
national problems. Significant improvements in development and
the participation of the people cannot be achieved merely by
decentralizing our development programs. It is a necessary
step but not sufficient by itself.
It
is also imperative to underline that the implementation of
decentralization requires strong political and administrative
commitments from national leaders. The experience of the New
Order regime revealed that national leaders misused
decentralization programs for their own economic and political
interests. The programs were designed in such a way that
boosted the authority of the central government.
In
addition, decentralization requires a fundamental change in
the cultural behavior of local and central government
officials. Our local and regional authorities are used to
functioning as agents of the central government in
communicating its instructions. The virtue of decentralization
is not only the transfer of power from higher to lower- level
authorities, but also from the government to the people.
Unless people are the center of any decentralization program,
there will always be a swing back to centralization.
Last
but not least, decentralization has to be supported by
adequate financial resources, skilled personnel and physical
infrastructure at the local level. Also, decentralization
programs have to be followed by rural financial reform. Almost
70 percent of our population still live in rural areas.
Without giving them access to financial resources, any new
decentralization programs will only join the list of past
failures.
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